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Sonntag, 26. Januar 2014

Wettbewerb der Nationen: Industriespionage als Lehrfach an der Militärakademie


Das Leben der Menschen und der Nationen als permanenter Wettbewerb: Sozialdarwinistische Ideologie ist bis heute prägend in Wirtschaftspolitik und internationalen Beziehungen.

Clausewitz lehrte, Krieg sei die Fortsetzung der Politik mit anderen Mitteln. Im Umkehrschluss ist auch die Auffassung verbreitet, Wirtschaftspolitik sei das Führen von Krieg mit anderen Mitteln - mit dem gleichen Ziel, nämlich survival of the fittest; Überleben des "tauglichsten" Volkes
 
Es hat daher eine gewisse Logik und kann in der Tradition von Sozialdarwinismus und Geopolitik gesehen werden, wenn an einer Militärakademie das Fach Competitive Intelligence angeboten wird.


 
Wer genauer wissen will, was man in einem solchen Fach lernt, kann sich bei der American Military University um Teilnahme an dem online Kurs Competitive Intelligence bewerben.

Competitive Intelligence
an der American Military University
http://www.amu.apus.edu/lp2/competitive-intelligence/graduate-certificate.htm
"The online Graduate Certificate in Competitive Intelligence will help students in assessing the application of intelligence studies processes and procedures to the commercial business environment."


Im Titel habe ich das Wort "Industriespionage" verwendet, und darum geht es auch (natürlich nur, nehme ich mal an, um deren Abwehr). Aber das Wort Intelligence in der Bedeutung von "Spionage" ist im Englischen neutral, hat nicht den negative Beiklang wie "Spionage". Competitive ist "im Wettbewerb stehend" oder "konkurrenzfähig" und bezieht sich hier, wie aus der Kursbeschreibung hervorgeht, auf wirtschaftliche Konkurrenz.
Als eine möglichst wertungsfreie, wenn auch sperrige Übersetzung schlage ich vor:
- Nachrichtendienstliche Tätigkeit im Wirtschaftswettbewerb


In dem Zusammenhang auch interessant:
Die Idee vom Rüstungswettbewerb als "Tauglichkeitstest" der Nationen.

  • Siehe z.B. Zitat von Gordon England, wonach nicht Terrorismus, sondern der Verlust der Welt-Führerschaft in Wissenschaft und Technologie die größte Bedrohung darstellt : The greatest long‐term threat to U.S. national security is not terrorists wielding a nuclear or biological weapon, but the erosion of America’s place as a world leader in science and technology.” http://guttmensch.blogspot.com/2013/11/koalitionsverhandlungen.html


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Die Weltwirtschaft als Nullsummenspiel – Wettbewerb ist alles

„1,2 Millarden Inder, die wollen auch gute Arbeit leisten. Und damit wir besser sind als die, brauchen wir Kraft.“

Bundeskanzlerin Angela Merkel
eingespielt in
heute-show - Wahlkrampfzeit mit Angela (20.4.2012) 

http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=dXJ7CauDpq8
ab ca. 04:17



Wettbewerb und Strukturreformen

“Auf der anderen Seite ist die politische Erfahrung, dass für politische Strukturreformen oft Druck gebraucht wird. Zum Beispiel war auch in Deutschland die Arbeitslosigkeit auf eine Zahl von fünf Millionen Arbeitslosen angestiegen, bevor die Bereitschaft vorhanden war, Strukturreformen durchzusetzen. Meine Schlussfolgerung ist also: Wenn Europa heute in einer schwierigen Situation ist, müssen wir heute Strukturreformen durchführen, damit wir morgen besser leben können.”

Angela Merkel kritisch zitiert auf
http://www.nachdenkseiten.de/?p=15967

________



Die Welt aus der Sicht der NATO: Eine Arena globalen Wettbewerbs

Geopolitik oder "Eine Welt"?

Policy Workshop on NATO in an Era of Global Competition
February 03, 2014

The year 2014 will be pivotal for NATO as it draws down from the mission in
Afghanistan, prepares for the 2014 summit in Wales, and grapples with new
political challenges to the transatlantic community, from the crisis in Ukraine
to the ongoing Syrian civil war. While NATO remains a manifestation of the
values and commitments espoused by the transatlantic community since its
inception in 1949, it must overcome significant internal obstacles to remain a
relevant and effective institution, including a dearth of political and
financial support from its members and dwindling capabilities.
 On February 3, the Atlantic Council and the Norwegian Institute for Defence
Studies (IFS) convened top subject-matter experts in Oslo, Norway, for a policy
workshop to determine how NATO can best shape its 2014 Summit agenda given
NATO’s internal challenges and the current state of transatlantic relations.
Participants discussed NATO’s role in Europe’s tumultuous neighborhood, from the
Middle East and North Africa to Ukraine, ways for NATO to bolster its
capabilities in an era of declining defense budgets, and how NATO can transform
to operate in a globalized security environment through the partnership
framework.
This event is part of the Atlantic Council and IFS's project on NATO in an Era
of Global Competition, an 18-month effort undertaken to address the role of NATO
and the broader transatlantic community in the face of emerging security
challenges, global power shifts, and new disruptive technologies.
This policy workshop served as the foundation for the project’s third public
conference, The Future of NATO and the Transatlantic Relationship, which will
take place on March 19 in Oslo, Norway. 
http://www.atlanticcouncil.org/events/past-events/policy-workshop-on-nato-in-an-era-of-global-competition
  


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Aus Wikipedia ueber das Buch

Bekenntnisse eines Economic Hit Man
Inhalt[Bearbeiten]
Die Publikation befasst sich mit der Geschichte der Karriere des Autors bei der Beraterfirma Chas. T. Main (heute Teil der Parsons Corporation). Bevor er durch dieses Unternehmen angestellt wurde, führte er ein Bewerbungsgespräch mit der US-amerikanischen National Security Agency (NSA). Perkins behauptet, dieses Interview sei im Endeffekt eine unabhängige Sicherheitsüberprüfung gewesen, die zu seiner anschließenden Einstellung durch Einar Greve, einem Mitarbeiter der Firma (und angeblichen NSA-Verbindungsmann, was Greve allerdings bestreitet), führte, um, nach eigener Beschreibung, ein „Economic Hit Man“ (EHM) zu werden.

Laut seinem Buch bestand Perkins' Funktion darin, die politische und wirtschaftliche Führungselite unterentwickelter Staaten dazu zu bringen, enorme Entwicklungshilfekredite von Institutionen wie der Weltbank und der United States Agency for International Development (USAID) aufzunehmen. Belastet mit riesigen Schulden, die sie nie zurückzuzahlen erhoffen konnten, waren diese Länder gezwungen, sich bei den verschiedensten Gelegenheiten dem politischen Druck der USA zu beugen. Perkins beschreibt, wie die Entwicklungsländer effektiv politisch neutralisiert wurden und ihre Einkommens- und Vermögensdisparität (Gini-Koeffizient) immer weiter heraufgetrieben wurde. Diese Strategie schädigte auf Dauer die Wirtschaft dieser Staaten. Perkins erzählt von seinen Treffen mit verschiedenen prominenten Persönlichkeiten, unter anderen Graham Greene und Omar Torrijos.

Der Autor beschreibt die Rolle eines EHM wie folgt:

„Economic hit men (EHMs) sind hochbezahlte Profis, die Länder rund um den Erdball um Billionen von Dollars betrügen. Sie schleusen Geld von der Weltbank und der U.S. Agency for International Development (USAID), sowie anderer Auslands-„hilfs“-Organisationen in die Kassen großer Konzerne und die Taschen einiger reicher Familien, die die natürlichen Ressourcen der Erde kontrollieren. Ihre Werkzeuge schließen gefälschte Bilanzen, gefälschte Wahlen, Provisionen, Erpressung, Sex und Mord ein. Sie spielen ein Spiel, das so alt ist wie der Imperialismus, das jedoch in Zeiten der Globalisierung neue und furchtbare Dimensionen angenommen hat.“

Das Nachwort der englischen Auflage 2006 enthält eine Kritik des derzeitigen Schuldenerlasses der dritten Welt durch die G8-Staaten. Perkins beklagt, dass die vorgeschlagenen Bedingungen für diesen Schuldenerlass diese Länder zwingen, ihre Gesundheits-, Bildungs-, Energieversorgungs-, Wasser- und andere Infrastrukturen an Privatkonzerne zu verkaufen. Diese Länder müssten auch ihre Subventionen für einheimische Betriebe einstellen, andererseits aber die Weiterführung der Subventionen an einige G8-Betriebe durch die USA und andere G8-Staaten akzeptieren, außerdem die Errichtung von Handelsbarrieren auf Importe, die G8-Industrien bedrohen. Die Ereignisse in Bolivien und Tansania werden als Beispiele der Effekte dieser vorgeschlagenen Bedingungen angeführt. […]

Weblinks [Bearbeiten]
Offizielle Website mit Anmerkungen des Verlegers Steven Piersanti (PDF; 107 kB)

(Zuletzt geändert am 31. März 2013)


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Oel-Vertraege zwischen Staaten und privaten Investoren

Aus

Open Oil
Oil Contract: How to Read and Understand a Petroleum Contracts
© Tim Boykett, Marta Peirano, Simone Boria, Heather Kelley, Elisabeth Schimana, Andreas Dekrout. Rachel OReilly 2012.

Foreword
From now until the time you finish this sentence, another 5,000 barrels of oil will have come out of the ground. Or 10,000 barrels by the end of this one, worth about a million dollars on world markets today. Suppose we created a World Oil Production Index (WOPI) as a measure of money, like a light year in distance. WOPI would equal a spacious Central Park apartment in a minute, the most expensive skyscraper ever built, Burj Khalifa, in a morning, and the net worth of Facebook's Mark Zuckerberg in two weeks.
Or, alternatively, WOPI would surpass the GDP of the Democratic Republic of Congo, a country of 70 million people, in a day and a half, and the entire annual aid budget to Africa in four days. It would, in fact, take about two weeks of WOPI each year to eliminate absolute poverty among the 1.3 billion people around the world who subsist on less than $1.25 a day each. It's not news of course that oil generates a lot of money. But it's good to get a handle on just how much.
It is petroleum contracts that express how this money is split and who makes what profits, just as it is the contracts that determine who manages operations and how issues such as the environment, local economic development, and community rights are dealt with. The share price of ExxonMobil, the question of who carries responsibility for Deepwater Horizon, whether Uganda will be able to stop importing petrol, and how much it costs to heat and light homes in millions of homes these are issues which depend directly on clauses in the contracts signed between the governments of the world and the oil companies.
For most of the 150 years of oil production, these contracts have remained hidden, nested in a broader secrecy that surrounded all aspects of the industry. Governments claimed national security prerogatives, companies said commercial sensitivity precluded making them available. But the last few years have seen the emergence of the the idea that these contracts are of such high public interest that they transcend normal considerations of confidentiality in business, and should be published. A few governments and companies have published contracts. Academic institutions such as the University of Dundee in the UK and NGOs such as the Revenue Watch Institute are just now, at the end of 2012, beginning to collect the contracts that are in the public domain into databases searchable over the Internet.
Contract transparency is the natural next stage of the transparency movement. The initiatives which began in the 1990s around 'Resource Curse', leading to the creation of the Extractive Industries Transparency Initiative in 2002, have succeded in opening up a public conversation. Governments and companies now acknowledge the importance of openness and ethical business. CSR was born to counter 'Blood Diamonds'. But there is as yet little systematic public understanding of how these titanic industries actually work. Activists and journalists sometimes penetrate dark corners and uncover kickbacks and secret deals, and occasionally trigger a public outcry that effects change. But public suspicion remains high around the world, fueled largely by this secrecy. In dozens of countries around the world public debate discussion continues with the main documents at the heart of this industry remaining absent.
Casual rhetoric about how "the government" or "the state" is being so secretive is not helpful because it misidentifies and actually understates the degree of dysfunctionality and asymmetry of information that can exist. This is often "deep state" stuff, belonging to a world of aides and special advisors with illdefined roles, where the regular apparatus of the state can also be out of the loop. In one country, senior diplomats in its foreign ministry lack the most basic understanding of the industry that generates 90 percent of its revenues and governs relations with its neighbours, with whom it shares sizeable fields. In another, the finance minister himself has been denied access to the petroleum contracts which determine how much revenue he is supposed to collect from international oil companies and others. In a third country a bid round went bad, and contracts were delayed for two years, because a phone call to clarify basic details wasn't returned. Ministers of the economy, planning and environment are rarely consulted about how contracts can integrate into broader government policy.
And yet, because of the pioneering move to publish by some governments and companies, the chance now exists to begin to create public understanding of petroleum contracts, based on those that exist in the public domain. This book is a first attempt to rise to that opportunity. We aim to reach at least ten thousand people around the world who may be engaged in the industry, or in governance of or transparency activism around it, but who may not have had the chance to gain professional exposure to petroleum contracts and the issues of how they are actually negotiated. We hope they will include people in the public and private sectors of 50 countries, journalists and civil servants and local business communities as well as promoting a broader understanding of the negotiating process within the companies themselves.
The sections of the book are intended to lead the nonspecialist reader through a logical sequence in understanding contracts. Section One sets the stage with background context. Section Two, who the players are, establishes the formal parties to a petroleum contract and the normal provisions of who does what and who decides what according to the contract. Section Three, 'The Money', goes to the heart of the negotiation and deals with all the different revenue streams and tools that go into constructing ever more complex financial arrangements.
Then we devote two sections to subjects which are handled in contracts but often in passing and at the last minute. Section Four deals with the linkages between the petroleum industry and economic development as a whole in the producing country, as dealt with in the contract, while Section Five looks at clauses relating to health, safety and environmental protection. Finally, in Section Six, Lawyers Yammering On, we look at pure legal aspects, dispute and arbitration procedures.
We quote liberally from a family of petroleum contracts throughout the book that come from eight countries Afghanistan, Azerbaijan, Brazil, Ghana, Indonesia, Iraq, Libya and Timor Leste. They were selected to represent various structures in contracts, stages of development of petroleum industry and most of all because they are in the public domain. Other contracts are referred to from time to time.
This book has been written in five days from start to finish, using the Booksprint technique pioneered by Adam Hyde. I am writing this foreword as its last entry on a Friday afternoon at Schloss Neuhasen little more than 100 hours after we sat down to storyboard it. This is both a source of pride and our first and last defence when our colleagues and the broader community point out inaccuracies, gaps and other defects, as we hope they will and encourage them to do.
The Booksprint is a collaborative writing technique of astonishing power in which colleagues constantly brainstorm, write, edit and copyedit each other in a workflow that somehow manages to combine high fluidity with structure. But inevitably in a process of such speed there will be uneveness and difference in tone and perhaps, at the margins, in substance, between one section and another. It is a work of collective authorship published under the Creative Commons license, but that does not mean that every one of us, or the affiliations we represent, subscribes to every statement made. This book is more team work than group think.
The writers of this book are: Peter Eigen, founder of Transparency International and founding chair of EITI; Cindy Kroon from the World Bank Institute; Herbert M'cleod from Sierra Leone; Susan Maples, Office of the Legal Adviser to Liberian President Ellen Johnson Sirleaf; Nurlan Mustafayev from the legal affairs department at SOCAR, Azerbaijan's state oil company; Jay Park, a lawyer from Norton Rose; Geoff Peters; Nadine Stiller from the German agency for international cooperation GIZ; Lynn Turyatemba from the NGO International Alert in Uganda; Johnny West, founder of the OpenOil consultancy; and Sebastian Winkler, Director Europe for Global Footprint Network. All work on the book was pro bono or mandated by the organisations we work for. If you want to hear each of us in our own words talking about the project, go to
http://openoil.net/booksprint
Adam Hyde of SourceFabric (Booktype) and BookSprints.net facilitated the Book Sprint and Lynn Stewart designed the book and its art work. First readers, and copy editors were the OpenOil team of Steffi Heerwig, Robert Malies, Zara Rahman and Lucy Wallwork.
We received financial assistance to write this book from: Internews Europe, a media development organisation based in London; Petroleum Economist magazine (with no editorial input our views and mistakes remain our own); and the German Federal Ministry for Economic Cooperation and Development (BMZ).
We want this book to be the start of a broader public conversation about petroleum contracts. It will be a living document, subject to constant critique on the Web and periodic review. Anyone can download it at any time, print and sell it, and adapt it. Please bear in mind, though, that because our work is Creative Commons license and available to everyone, the terms of copyright say that you inherit the terms of that license and any work you base on ours will legally be under Creative Commons license too.
We aim for the book to become the basis for localised versions which take a look at petroleum contracts country by country. There is no reason why, three years from now, there shouldn't be, for every country in the world with a petroleum industry (or hoping to develop one), an editorially independent and technically informed book put together by a group of sympathetic but objective professionals from a range of disciplines which analyses that country's core contracts, available to the public free of charge. We would be delighted to help make that happen with anyone in a producing country who has an interest.
We also aim to make it the basis for training courses, ported to all relevant locations and languages, which bring a fundamental and holistic understanding of petroleum contracts to a much wider audience than has had the chance to engage with them so far.
It is our belief that even though these contracts were not written with the public in mind, with a little effort they can be understood to a level which enables real, mature and informed public discussion. We hope that after reading this book you will agree.

Johnny West
Founder OpenOil.net

[…]

What is a petroleum contract?

Experts estimate that for a large natural resouce extraction project, there will be well over 100 contracts to build, operate, and finance it all of which could fall under the broad category of 'petroleum contract'. There may also be well over a 100 parties involved, including:
governments and their national oil companies (NOCs), e.g. Gazprom, Petronas international oil companies (IOCs), e.g. BP, Exxon, Chevron, CNOOC private banks and public lenders, e.g. JP Morgan, World Bank engineering firms, drilling companies & rig operators, e.g. Halliburton, Schlumberger, Technip transportation, refining and trading companies, e.g. Hess, Glencore, Trafigura, Koch Industries
...and many more
Among these many contracts, the most important is the one between the government and the IOC and it is this conract that will be addressed in this book. All of the other contracts must be consistent with and depend on this contract; these might be collectively referred to as "subsidiary", "auxillary" or "ancillary" contracts.

This contract is most commonly referred to by the industry as a "Host Government Contract" because it is a contract between a Government (on the behalf of the nation and its people) and an oil company or companies (that are being hosted). It is through this contract that the host government legally grants rights to oil companies to conduct "petroleum operations". This contract appears in countries throughout the world under many names:


Petroleum Contract
Exploration & Producting Agreement (E&P)
Exploration & Exploitation Contract
Concession License Agreement
Petroleum Sharing Agreement (PSA)
Production Sharing Contract (PSA)
http://openoil.net/wp/wp-content/uploads/2012/11/oil-contracts-v1-nov-3.pdf

Kommentare:

  1. Die Anstalt Folge 12 26.05.2015

    Polit-Satire-Sendung von und mit Max Uthoff und Claus von Wagner
    26. Mai 2015
    Themen: Geheimdienste, BND-Skandal, BfV, MAD, Vorratsdatenspeicherung, Demokratie, Überwachung, NSA-Selektoren, Einschränkung des Briefgeheimnis, Alliierte Vorbehaltsrechte, G 10 Gesetz, Geheime Verwaltungsvereinbarung, Zusatzabkommen NATO Truppenstatut
    Die Gäste sind Frank Lüdecke, Tobias Mann, Christine Prayon
    Alle Rechte gehören © ZDF Media

    AntwortenLöschen
  2. Die Anstalt Folge 12 26.05.2015

    Polit-Satire-Sendung von und mit Max Uthoff und Claus von Wagner
    26. Mai 2015
    Themen: Geheimdienste, BND-Skandal, BfV, MAD, Vorratsdatenspeicherung, Demokratie, Überwachung, NSA-Selektoren, Einschränkung des Briefgeheimnis, Alliierte Vorbehaltsrechte, G 10 Gesetz, Geheime Verwaltungsvereinbarung, Zusatzabkommen NATO Truppenstatut
    Die Gäste sind Frank Lüdecke, Tobias Mann, Christine Prayon
    Alle Rechte gehören © ZDF Media

    https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=UqjaC3_LSdI

    AntwortenLöschen