Das Leben der Menschen und der Nationen als permanenter Wettbewerb: Sozialdarwinistische Ideologie ist bis heute prägend in Wirtschaftspolitik und internationalen Beziehungen.
Clausewitz lehrte, Krieg sei die Fortsetzung der Politik mit anderen Mitteln. Im Umkehrschluss ist auch die Auffassung verbreitet, Wirtschaftspolitik sei das Führen von Krieg mit anderen Mitteln - mit dem gleichen Ziel, nämlich survival of the fittest;
Überleben des "tauglichsten" Volkes
Es hat daher eine gewisse Logik und kann in der Tradition von Sozialdarwinismus und Geopolitik gesehen werden, wenn an einer Militärakademie das Fach Competitive Intelligence angeboten wird.
- (Zu Geopolitik und ihren Wurzeln in Eugenik und Sozialdarwinismus siehe auch Stichwort "Geopolitik" auf diesem Blog; z.B. Posts "Eugenik und Geopolitik: Die Forderung nach Raum und Ressourcen für Völker mit vermeintlich besseren Genen" und "Eugenisches Denken: Demokratie als 'Diktatur der Mittelmäßigkeit'"
Wer genauer wissen will, was man in einem solchen Fach lernt, kann sich bei der American Military University um Teilnahme an dem online Kurs Competitive Intelligence bewerben.
Competitive Intelligence
an der American Military University
http://www.amu.apus.edu/lp2/competitive-intelligence/graduate-certificate.htm
"The online Graduate Certificate in Competitive Intelligence will help students in assessing the application of intelligence studies processes and procedures to the commercial business environment."
Im Titel habe ich das Wort "Industriespionage" verwendet, und darum geht es auch (natürlich nur, nehme ich mal an, um deren Abwehr). Aber das Wort Intelligence in der Bedeutung von "Spionage" ist im Englischen neutral, hat nicht den negative Beiklang wie "Spionage". Competitive ist "im Wettbewerb stehend" oder "konkurrenzfähig" und bezieht sich hier, wie aus der Kursbeschreibung hervorgeht, auf wirtschaftliche Konkurrenz.
Als eine möglichst wertungsfreie, wenn auch sperrige Übersetzung schlage ich vor:
- Nachrichtendienstliche Tätigkeit im Wirtschaftswettbewerb
In dem Zusammenhang auch interessant:
Die Idee vom Rüstungswettbewerb als "Tauglichkeitstest" der Nationen.
- Siehe z.B. Zitat von Gordon England, wonach nicht Terrorismus, sondern der Verlust der Welt-Führerschaft in Wissenschaft und Technologie die größte Bedrohung darstellt : “The greatest long‐term threat to U.S. national security is not terrorists wielding a nuclear or biological weapon, but the erosion of America’s place as a world leader in science and technology.” http://guttmensch.blogspot.com/2013/11/koalitionsverhandlungen.html
_______
Die Weltwirtschaft als Nullsummenspiel – Wettbewerb ist alles
„1,2
Millarden Inder, die wollen auch gute Arbeit leisten. Und damit wir besser sind
als die, brauchen wir Kraft.“
Bundeskanzlerin Angela Merkel
eingespielt in
heute-show - Wahlkrampfzeit mit Angela (20.4.2012)
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=dXJ7CauDpq8
ab ca. 04:17
Wettbewerb und Strukturreformen
“Auf der anderen Seite ist die politische Erfahrung, dass für politische Strukturreformen oft Druck gebraucht wird. Zum Beispiel war auch in Deutschland die Arbeitslosigkeit auf eine Zahl von fünf Millionen Arbeitslosen angestiegen, bevor die Bereitschaft vorhanden war, Strukturreformen durchzusetzen. Meine Schlussfolgerung ist also: Wenn Europa heute in einer schwierigen Situation ist, müssen wir heute Strukturreformen durchführen, damit wir morgen besser leben können.”
Angela Merkel kritisch zitiert auf
http://www.nachdenkseiten.de/?p=15967
________
Die Welt aus der Sicht der NATO: Eine Arena globalen Wettbewerbs
Geopolitik oder "Eine Welt"?
Policy Workshop on NATO in an Era of Global Competition
February 03, 2014
The year 2014 will be pivotal for NATO as it draws down from the mission in
Afghanistan, prepares for the 2014 summit in Wales, and grapples with new
political challenges to the transatlantic community, from the crisis in Ukraine
to the ongoing Syrian civil war. While NATO remains a manifestation of the
values and commitments espoused by the transatlantic community since its
inception in 1949, it must overcome significant internal obstacles to remain a
relevant and effective institution, including a dearth of political and
financial support from its members and dwindling capabilities.
On February 3, the Atlantic Council and the Norwegian Institute for Defence
Studies (IFS) convened top subject-matter experts in Oslo, Norway, for a policy
workshop to determine how NATO can best shape its 2014 Summit agenda given
NATO’s internal challenges and the current state of transatlantic relations.
Participants discussed NATO’s role in Europe’s tumultuous neighborhood, from the
Middle East and North Africa to Ukraine, ways for NATO to bolster its
capabilities in an era of declining defense budgets, and how NATO can transform
to operate in a globalized security environment through the partnership
framework.
This event is part of the Atlantic Council and IFS's project on NATO in an Era
of Global Competition, an 18-month effort undertaken to address the role of NATO
and the broader transatlantic community in the face of emerging security
challenges, global power shifts, and new disruptive technologies.
This policy workshop served as the foundation for the project’s third public
conference, The Future of NATO and the Transatlantic Relationship, which will
take place on March 19 in Oslo, Norway.
http://www.atlanticcouncil.org/events/past-events/policy-workshop-on-nato-in-an-era-of-global-competition
_______
Aus Wikipedia ueber das Buch
Bekenntnisse
eines Economic Hit Man
Inhalt[Bearbeiten]
Die Publikation befasst sich mit der Geschichte der Karriere des Autors
bei der Beraterfirma Chas. T.
Main (heute Teil der Parsons
Corporation). Bevor er durch dieses Unternehmen angestellt wurde,
führte er ein Bewerbungsgespräch mit der US-amerikanischen National Security
Agency (NSA). Perkins behauptet, dieses Interview sei im Endeffekt
eine unabhängige Sicherheitsüberprüfung
gewesen, die zu seiner anschließenden Einstellung durch Einar Greve, einem
Mitarbeiter der Firma (und angeblichen NSA-Verbindungsmann, was Greve
allerdings bestreitet), führte, um, nach eigener Beschreibung, ein „Economic
Hit Man“ (EHM) zu werden.
Laut seinem Buch bestand Perkins' Funktion darin, die politische und
wirtschaftliche Führungselite
unterentwickelter Staaten dazu zu bringen, enorme Entwicklungshilfekredite von
Institutionen wie der Weltbank und der United States Agency for International Development
(USAID) aufzunehmen. Belastet mit riesigen Schulden, die sie nie zurückzuzahlen
erhoffen konnten, waren diese Länder gezwungen, sich bei den verschiedensten
Gelegenheiten dem politischen Druck der USA zu beugen. Perkins beschreibt, wie
die Entwicklungsländer effektiv politisch neutralisiert wurden und ihre
Einkommens- und Vermögensdisparität (Gini-Koeffizient) immer weiter heraufgetrieben
wurde. Diese Strategie schädigte auf Dauer die Wirtschaft dieser Staaten.
Perkins erzählt von seinen Treffen mit verschiedenen prominenten
Persönlichkeiten, unter anderen Graham Greene und Omar Torrijos.
Der Autor beschreibt die Rolle
eines EHM wie folgt:
„Economic hit men (EHMs) sind hochbezahlte Profis, die Länder rund um
den Erdball um Billionen von Dollars betrügen. Sie
schleusen Geld von der Weltbank und der U.S. Agency for International
Development (USAID), sowie anderer Auslands-„hilfs“-Organisationen in die
Kassen großer Konzerne und die Taschen einiger reicher Familien, die die
natürlichen Ressourcen der Erde kontrollieren. Ihre Werkzeuge schließen
gefälschte Bilanzen, gefälschte Wahlen,
Provisionen, Erpressung, Sex und Mord ein. Sie
spielen ein Spiel, das so alt ist wie der Imperialismus, das jedoch in Zeiten der Globalisierung neue und furchtbare Dimensionen
angenommen hat.“
Das Nachwort der englischen Auflage 2006 enthält eine Kritik des
derzeitigen Schuldenerlasses der dritten Welt durch die G8-Staaten.
Perkins beklagt, dass die vorgeschlagenen Bedingungen für diesen Schuldenerlass
diese Länder zwingen, ihre Gesundheits-, Bildungs-, Energieversorgungs-,
Wasser- und andere Infrastrukturen an
Privatkonzerne zu verkaufen. Diese Länder müssten auch ihre Subventionen für einheimische Betriebe
einstellen, andererseits aber die Weiterführung der Subventionen an einige
G8-Betriebe durch die USA und andere G8-Staaten akzeptieren, außerdem die
Errichtung von Handelsbarrieren auf Importe, die G8-Industrien bedrohen. Die Ereignisse in Bolivien und Tansania werden als Beispiele der Effekte dieser vorgeschlagenen
Bedingungen angeführt. […]
Weblinks [Bearbeiten]
Offizielle
Website mit Anmerkungen des Verlegers Steven Piersanti
(PDF; 107 kB)
- Verlagswebsite zur deutschen Ausgabe
- Schakale und Sklaven, Rezension von Barbara Jentzsch im Freitag, 8. April 2005
- „Ich war ein Wirtschaftskiller“, Interview von Stephan Kosch in der tageszeitung,
9. Juli 2005
- A hit man repents, Artikel von Gary Younge im Guardian, 28. Januar 2006
- Im Dienst der Wirtschaftsmafia, Phoenix,
Sendetermin Mittwoch, 2. Januar 2013, 23.55 Uhr
(Zuletzt geändert am 31. März 2013)
_______
Oel-Vertraege zwischen Staaten und privaten
Investoren
Aus
Open OilOil Contract: How to Read and Understand a Petroleum
Contracts
© Tim Boykett, Marta Peirano, Simone Boria, Heather Kelley, Elisabeth Schimana,
Andreas Dekrout. Rachel OReilly 2012.
Foreword
From now until the time you finish this sentence, another
5,000 barrels of oil will have come out of the ground. Or 10,000 barrels by the
end of this one, worth about a million dollars on world markets today. Suppose
we created a World Oil Production Index (WOPI) as a measure of money, like a
light year in distance. WOPI would equal a spacious Central Park apartment in a
minute, the most expensive skyscraper ever built, Burj Khalifa, in a morning,
and the net worth of Facebook's Mark Zuckerberg in two weeks.
Or, alternatively, WOPI would surpass the GDP of the Democratic Republic of Congo,
a country of 70 million people, in a day and a half, and the entire annual aid budget
to Africa in four days. It would, in fact, take about two weeks of WOPI each year
to eliminate absolute poverty among the 1.3 billion people around the world who
subsist on less than $1.25 a day each. It's not news of course that oil
generates a lot of money. But it's good to get a handle on just how much.
It is petroleum contracts that express how this money is split and who makes what
profits, just as it is the contracts that determine who manages operations and how
issues such as the environment, local economic development, and community rights
are dealt with. The share price of ExxonMobil, the question of who carries responsibility
for Deepwater Horizon, whether Uganda will be able to stop importing petrol,
and how much it costs to heat and light homes in millions of homes these are
issues which depend directly on clauses in the contracts signed between the
governments of the world and the oil companies.
For most of the 150 years of oil production, these contracts have remained hidden,
nested in a broader secrecy that surrounded all aspects of the industry. Governments
claimed national security prerogatives, companies said commercial sensitivity
precluded making them available. But the last few years have seen the emergence
of the the idea that these contracts are of such high public interest that they
transcend normal considerations of confidentiality in business, and should be
published. A few governments and companies have published contracts. Academic
institutions such as the University of Dundee in the UK and NGOs such as the
Revenue Watch Institute are just now, at the end of 2012, beginning to collect
the contracts that are in the public domain into databases searchable over the
Internet.
Contract transparency is the natural next stage of the transparency movement. The
initiatives which began in the 1990s around 'Resource Curse', leading to the creation
of the Extractive Industries Transparency Initiative in 2002, have succeded in
opening up a public conversation. Governments and companies now acknowledge the
importance of openness and ethical business. CSR was born to counter 'Blood
Diamonds'. But there is as yet little systematic public understanding of how
these titanic industries actually work. Activists and journalists sometimes penetrate
dark corners and uncover kickbacks and secret deals, and occasionally trigger a
public outcry that effects change. But public suspicion remains high around the
world, fueled largely by this secrecy. In dozens of countries around the world
public debate discussion continues with the main documents at the heart of this
industry remaining absent.
Casual rhetoric about how "the government" or "the state"
is being so secretive is not helpful because it misidentifies and actually
understates the degree of dysfunctionality and asymmetry of information that
can exist. This is often "deep state" stuff, belonging to a world of
aides and special advisors with illdefined roles, where the regular apparatus
of the state can also be out of the loop. In one country, senior diplomats in
its foreign ministry lack the most basic understanding of the industry that
generates 90 percent of its revenues and governs relations with its neighbours,
with whom it shares sizeable fields. In another, the finance minister himself
has been denied access to the petroleum contracts which determine how much
revenue he is supposed to collect from international oil companies and others.
In a third country a bid round went bad, and contracts were delayed for two years,
because a phone call to clarify basic details wasn't returned. Ministers of the
economy, planning and environment are rarely consulted about how contracts can integrate
into broader government policy.
And yet, because of the pioneering move to publish by some governments and companies,
the chance now exists to begin to create public understanding of petroleum
contracts, based on those that exist in the public domain. This book is a first
attempt to rise to that opportunity. We aim to reach at least ten thousand people
around the world who may be engaged in the industry, or in governance of or
transparency activism around it, but who may not have had the chance to gain professional
exposure to petroleum contracts and the issues of how they are actually
negotiated. We hope they will include people in the public and private sectors
of 50 countries, journalists and civil servants and local business communities
as well as promoting a broader understanding of the negotiating process within
the companies themselves.
The sections of the book are intended to lead the nonspecialist reader through
a logical sequence in understanding contracts. Section One sets the stage with background
context. Section Two, who the players are, establishes the formal parties to a
petroleum contract and the normal provisions of who does what and who decides
what according to the contract. Section Three, 'The Money', goes to the heart
of the negotiation and deals with all the different revenue streams and tools
that go into constructing ever more complex financial arrangements.
Then we devote two sections to subjects which are handled in contracts but often
in passing and at the last minute. Section Four deals with the linkages between
the petroleum industry and economic development as a whole in the producing
country, as dealt with in the contract, while Section Five looks at clauses relating
to health, safety and environmental protection. Finally, in Section Six, Lawyers
Yammering On, we look at pure legal aspects, dispute and arbitration procedures.
We quote liberally from a family of petroleum contracts throughout the book that
come from eight countries Afghanistan, Azerbaijan, Brazil, Ghana, Indonesia, Iraq,
Libya and Timor Leste. They were selected to represent various structures in contracts,
stages of development of petroleum industry and most of all because they are in
the public domain. Other contracts are referred to from time to time.
This book has been written in five days from start to finish, using the
Booksprint technique pioneered by Adam Hyde. I am writing this foreword as its
last entry on a Friday afternoon at Schloss Neuhasen little more than 100 hours
after we sat down to storyboard it. This is both a source of pride and our
first and last defence when our colleagues and the broader community point out
inaccuracies, gaps and other defects, as we hope they will and encourage them
to do.
The Booksprint is a collaborative writing technique of astonishing power in which
colleagues constantly brainstorm, write, edit and copyedit each other in a workflow
that somehow manages to combine high fluidity with structure. But inevitably in
a process of such speed there will be uneveness and difference in tone and
perhaps, at the margins, in substance, between one section and another. It is a
work of collective authorship published under the Creative Commons license, but
that does not mean that every one of us, or the affiliations we represent,
subscribes to every statement made. This book is more team work than group
think.
The writers of this book are: Peter Eigen, founder of Transparency
International and founding chair of EITI; Cindy Kroon from the World Bank
Institute; Herbert M'cleod from Sierra Leone; Susan Maples, Office of the Legal
Adviser to Liberian President Ellen Johnson Sirleaf; Nurlan Mustafayev from the
legal affairs department at SOCAR, Azerbaijan's state oil company; Jay Park, a
lawyer from Norton Rose; Geoff Peters; Nadine Stiller from the German agency
for international cooperation GIZ; Lynn Turyatemba from the NGO International
Alert in Uganda; Johnny West, founder of the OpenOil consultancy; and Sebastian
Winkler, Director Europe for Global Footprint Network. All work on the book was
pro bono or mandated by the organisations we work for. If you want to hear each
of us in our own words talking about the project, go to http://openoil.net/booksprint
Adam Hyde of SourceFabric (Booktype) and BookSprints.net facilitated the Book
Sprint and Lynn Stewart designed the book and its art work. First readers, and copy
editors were the OpenOil team of Steffi Heerwig, Robert Malies, Zara Rahman and
Lucy Wallwork.
We received financial assistance to write this book from: Internews Europe, a media
development organisation based in London; Petroleum Economist magazine (with no
editorial input our views and mistakes remain our own); and the German Federal
Ministry for Economic Cooperation and Development (BMZ).
We want this book to be the start of a broader public conversation about petroleum
contracts. It will be a living document, subject to constant critique on the
Web and periodic review. Anyone can download it at any time, print and sell it,
and adapt it. Please bear in mind, though, that because our work is Creative Commons
license and available to everyone, the terms of copyright say that you inherit
the terms of that license and any work you base on ours will legally be under
Creative Commons license too.
We aim for the book to become the basis for localised versions which take a
look at petroleum contracts country by country. There is no reason why, three
years from now, there shouldn't be, for every country in the world with a
petroleum industry (or hoping to develop one), an editorially independent and
technically informed book put together by a group of sympathetic but objective
professionals from a range of disciplines which analyses that country's core
contracts, available to the public free of charge. We would be delighted to
help make that happen with anyone in a producing country who has an interest.
We also aim to make it the basis for training courses, ported to all relevant locations
and languages, which bring a fundamental and holistic understanding of petroleum
contracts to a much wider audience than has had the chance to engage with them
so far.
It is our belief that even though these contracts were not written with the
public in mind, with a little effort they can be understood to a level which
enables real, mature and informed public discussion. We hope that after reading
this book you will agree.
Johnny West
Founder OpenOil.net
[…]
What is a petroleum contract?
Experts estimate that for a large natural resouce extraction project, there
will be well over 100 contracts to build, operate, and finance it all of which
could fall under the broad category of 'petroleum contract'. There may also be
well over a 100 parties involved, including:
governments and their national oil companies (NOCs), e.g. Gazprom, Petronas international
oil companies (IOCs), e.g. BP, Exxon, Chevron, CNOOC private banks and public
lenders, e.g. JP Morgan, World Bank engineering firms, drilling companies &
rig operators, e.g. Halliburton, Schlumberger, Technip transportation, refining
and trading companies, e.g. Hess, Glencore, Trafigura, Koch Industries
...and many more
Among these many contracts, the most important is the one
between the government and the IOC and it is this conract that will be
addressed in this book. All of the other contracts must be consistent with and
depend on this contract; these might be collectively referred to as
"subsidiary", "auxillary" or "ancillary" contracts.
This contract is most commonly referred to by the industry as a "Host Government
Contract" because it is a contract between a Government (on the behalf of
the nation and its people) and an oil company or companies (that are being
hosted). It is through this contract that the host government legally grants rights
to oil companies to conduct "petroleum operations". This contract
appears in countries throughout the world under many names:
Petroleum Contract
Exploration & Producting Agreement (E&P)
Exploration & Exploitation Contract
Concession License Agreement
Petroleum Sharing Agreement (PSA)
Production Sharing Contract (PSA)
http://openoil.net/wp/wp-content/uploads/2012/11/oil-contracts-v1-nov-3.pdf
